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What Grantham's Market Place removed along with the kerb

Grantham's Market Place removed its kerb in 2024, creating a flush surface marked by granite sets; this eliminates the 60mm upstand guide dogs and cane users depend on to navigate—shared-space design assumes visual navigation.

What Grantham's Market Place removed along with the kerb

What the 2024 refurbishment actually did to Market Place

Before May 2024, Market Place in Grantham had a conventional layout: a raised pavement ran alongside a lower carriageway, separated by a kerb. By the time the work completed in September of that year, both surfaces sat at the same height. South Kesteven District Council raised the road to match the existing York Stone footway, producing a single flush level across the full width of the space. The project drew on a portion of the £4.1 million Future High Street Fund that central government awarded to the council in 2020.

The former road edge is now marked by a band of granite sets — a visual signal to drivers and sighted pedestrians indicating where the carriageway runs. No raised kerb was reinstated. The sets are a design choice, not a structural boundary: they outline the road rather than physically dividing it from the footway.

One point the council's communications make clearly is that Market Place has not been pedestrianised. Vehicles continue to use the space. The flush surface is genuinely shared rather than traffic-free, which distinguishes it from a pedestrian plaza where the absence of a kerb carries little practical consequence.

The council described the scheme's goals in terms of visual coherence, flexible use for events and markets, and increased footfall to town centre businesses. The York Stone finish and granite detailing feature prominently in its descriptions of the outcome. Those are the terms in which the project was designed and delivered.

How guide dogs and cane users read a street

The mechanics of how a guide dog navigates a street are more specific than most sighted people realise. When a dog leads its handler along a pavement, it is not simply walking forward — it is tracking the edge of the footway by locating the physical step of the kerb. That upstand is what tells the handler, through the harness, that they remain on the pavement and not in the carriageway. Guide Dogs UK's Streets Ahead campaign puts this without qualification: people with visual impairment 'rely upon the presence of the kerb to know they are on the pavement and not in the road.'

Long cane technique works on the same physical principle. A cane user sweeps the tip ahead and to the side; when it drops off a kerb, the step registers as a clear signal. The detectable threshold is roughly 60mm of upstand — a standard informed by research involving the RNIB, Guide Dogs, and the National Federation of the Blind of the UK, conducted with Transport Scotland. Below that height, the cane passes over the edge without registering a usable boundary.

Granite sets and colour-contrast banding do not meet that threshold. They are visual cues — readable by a sighted driver or pedestrian, but not by a cane tip or a dog trained to track a physical step. The RNIB confirms that material delineators of this kind, used across shared surfaces, are typically undetectable by guide dog or white cane. The signal the sets send is addressed to eyes, not to hands or paws.

Why shared-surface design produces this conflict by design

Hans Monderman, the Dutch traffic engineer whose work shaped shared space thinking from the 1980s onwards, designed streets to be read rather than obeyed. His premise was that removing kerbs, road markings, and signals forces all road users into a state of mutual attention: uncertainty, in this framework, is not a hazard to be engineered away but the operating mechanism by which drivers slow down. The idea has been applied across European town centres and carries genuine intellectual weight — it is not a fringe position but a mainstream strand of urban design.

The problem is the assumption buried in that premise. Shared space works through visual negotiation: a driver makes eye contact, a cyclist reads body language, a pedestrian signals intention by altering their path. Every part of the mechanism depends on sight. When Monderman described the productive uncertainty his designs created, he was describing an experience available only to road users who can see one another.

For a guide dog handler or a cane user, the same uncertainty is not productive — it is the condition that makes a crossing unnavigable. The ambiguity that slows a car is structurally identical to the ambiguity that removes the only sensory boundary between pavement and moving traffic. This is not a flaw in how Grantham applied shared space principles; it is what shared space, as a concept, produces when the kerb upstand is taken away. The conflict is not accidental — it is built in.

What the national record already established

Parliament examined this question in 2015, and the findings were unambiguous. A House of Lords inquiry into shared space — still the most authoritative UK parliamentary assessment on the subject — recorded that experiences among blind and partially sighted people were 'overwhelmingly negative'. More than a third of those surveyed reported actively avoiding shared space schemes altogether. The inquiry did not call for further study or improved signage: it called for an immediate moratorium on new schemes.

The Department for Transport responded. Level-surface shared space projects were paused pending revised guidance, and the current framework — Local Transport Note LTN 1/20 — now requires Equality Impact Assessments at the planning stage for schemes of this type. Whether the Grantham EqIA adequately addressed guide dog navigation has not been made public in any of the council's communications about the project.

The closest documented parallel is Aberdeen's Broad Street, where a town-centre shared-surface redesign prompted both RNIB Scotland and Guide Dogs Scotland to conclude that the street 'effectively bars' blind and partially sighted people from using it. The language is striking in its directness — not 'presents challenges' or 'raises concerns', but bars. That is the outcome RNIB and Guide Dogs determined a flush surface with moving traffic produces in practice.

Grantham Market Place shares the same structural features: level surface, retained vehicle access, visual rather than tactile delineation. The Aberdeen finding did not require a local incident to reach its conclusion; it followed from the design.

What is and isn't documented about Grantham specifically

No accessibility-specific complaint about the Grantham scheme has surfaced in public records, and South Kesteven's Equality Impact Assessment — if it addressed guide dog navigation at all — has not been published. Those are the gaps in the direct evidence, and they are worth naming once.

They do not neutralise the argument. People who find a space unusable rarely file formal objections — they take a different route, add time to their journey, and quietly disappear from the places that excluded them. Avoidance is a harm that leaves no trace in council records or local press. Research into shared space schemes nationally has identified precisely this dynamic: the absence of reported incidents in a newly redesigned space can, in some cases, be the clearest sign that the design has worked as a deterrent rather than an invitation.

What can be said about Grantham Market Place with confidence is narrower but still significant. The design reproduces, feature for feature, the conditions that national research, parliamentary inquiry, and disability organisations have repeatedly identified as hazardous: a flush surface, retained vehicle access, and delineation that is visual rather than tactile. No specific local incident needs to be on record for that to constitute a serious concern.

Who public-space designis tested against

The design brief for Grantham Market Place documents, in some detail, what success looks like: York Stone matching the existing footway, granite sets outlining the carriageway edge, a single-level surface giving the square event flexibility and a coherent visual identity. These are sighted metrics — measurable by and for people who navigate by sight. Footfall, dwell time, visual coherence, event capacity: each of these outcomes is legible to someone who can see the space.

No publicly available council communication addresses how a guide dog user crosses Market Place after the kerb is gone — which route they take, which part of the carriageway they avoid, or whether they use the space at all. The Equality Impact Assessment, if it considered guide dog navigation, has not been published. Accessibility entered the process at the compliance stage, after the design brief was set — not as a condition of what the design was meant to achieve.

The question this raises is not about individual designers or a single council decision. It is about which user's experience is used to iterate and improve a scheme, and which user's experience is left to find a workaround after the ribbon is cut. Aesthetic legibility — the visual coherence the council's communications describe in detail — was the design driver. Sensory legibility, for those who navigate without sight, was at best a compliance condition appended to a brief that had already been written.

A street that functions well for most people but requires a subset to avoid it has not solved the problem of being a public space. It has redistributed the cost of that failure onto the people least able to absorb it.

  1. [1] Shared space – Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/?curid=3287020 https://en.wikipedia.org/?curid=3287020